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The Rest Will Follow - Various - Sonically Speaking Vol 21: Februari 2005 (CD)

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The I. The "Gombeen" man is alike trader, publican, and money-lender, and he is the backbone of official Nationalist influence. By lending money to the peasant proprietors at exorbitant rates, by selling inferior seeds and manures and by carrying on his transactions with the farmers chiefly in kind, the "Gombeen" man has grown fat upon the poverty and despair of the farmer. It is not surprising that he views the liberating work of the I. Sir Horace Plunkett was driven from office on the pretext that it should be held by a member of Parliament.

His successor, Mr. Russell, lost his seat in the General Election of , but he was retained in power since he was willing to lend himself to the destructive intrigues of the "Molly Maguires. The Unionist Party will also have to undertake more active measures in order to restore to Irish agriculture the position of supremacy for which it is naturally fitted. Amery and Mr. Samuels both discuss in outline the effects of Tariff Reform upon the future of Ireland. I do not intend at the present moment to go further into the details of the policy which the Unionist Government will be likely to adopt on this question.

I think, however, it would be desirable to point out that in dairy produce and poultry, in barley and oats, in hops, tobacco, sugar-beet, vegetables and fruit, in all of which Ireland is especially interested, Irish products would have free entry into the protected markets of Great Britain, Canadian and Australian products would of course have such a preference over foreign competitors as a Home Rule Ireland might claim, but it is only under the Union that Ireland could expect complete freedom of access to our markets.

Amery sees in the train ferry a possible bridge over the St. George's Channel and looks forward to the time when the west coast of Ireland will be the starting point of all our fast mail and passenger steamers across the Atlantic. Two schemes with this object have received the attention of Parliament. How far the present practical difficulties can be surmounted it is not very easy to say, but it is certain that if Home Rule were granted the Blacksod Bay and the Galway Bay Atlantic routes would have to be abandoned.

These conditions naturally raise the whole transport problem in Ireland. Arthur Samuels suggests a scheme of State assistance to a cheap transport which may require attention later on, though it can only form part of a larger scheme of traffic reorganisation. The Nationalist Party seems definitely to have pledged itself to a scheme of nationalisation.

This policy has been urged in season and out of season upon an apathetic Ireland by the Freeman's Journal. It would be obviously impossible to ask the British Treasury to advance such an enormous sum of money to an independent Irish Government. At what rate could an Irish government raise the money? The present return on Irish Railway capital is 3.

It is extremely doubtful whether the credit of an Irish Government would be better than that of Hungary or Argentina. If anything more surely led an Irish Government to financial disaster it would be the working of railways. As the Majority Report of the Railway Commission recommended on other than commercial lines, the 25 per cent.

We see, therefore, immediately, that if anything is to be done at all to improve Irish transport it must be done by a Government that has the confidence of the money market. The railway director who contributes the principal article on this subject in the book calculates that a public grant of two millions, and a guaranteed loan of eight millions would suffice to carry out all the reforms that are necessary in order to place Irish railways in a thoroughly sound position. It is obvious that with the development of trade which will follow on the adoption of Tariff Reform by England, Irish companies will be in a better position to help themselves, and the increase in the wealth and prosperity of Ireland must soon enable the railways to carry out constructive works which they all admit to be necessary.

Locker Lampson's article on education undoubtedly shows the Irish Government in its less favourable light. The neglect and starvation of Irish education has been a reproach to the intelligence and humanity of successive Irish administrations. Locker Lampson shows, however, that financially and politically it would be impossible for any Irish administration to carry out the great and sweeping reforms in Irish education as are still necessary.

The mischievous principle of paying fees by results, although it has disappeared from the National schools, still clings to intermediate education in Ireland. Before any other kind of reform is even considered the intermediate system in Ireland should be placed upon a proper foundation.

The secondary system is also deficient because—what Mr. Dillon called "gaps in the law"—there is no co-ordination between the primary and the secondary schools. But no system of education can possibly be successful that does not place the teachers in a position of dignity and comfort. They have no security of tenure; they have no register of teachers as a guarantee of efficiency. The other problems which immediately confront the Irish government are the establishment of a private bill legislation and a reform of the Irish Poor Law.

With regard to the private bill legislation I will say no more than that it has always formed part of the Unionist policy for Ireland, and that I agree fully with the arguments by which Mr. Walter Long shows the necessity and justice for such a reform. Finally, having given to the Irish farmers the security of a freehold in their holdings at home, and a free entrance into the protected markets of Great Britain; having assisted the development of rural industries of the country; having placed Irish education on a sound and intelligible basis, it would be necessary for the Unionist Party to undertake a reform of the Poor Law in Ireland.

Whether this reform will be undertaken the same time as the larger social problems of England, with which the party is pledged to deal, may be a matter of political expediency, but there is no reason why the reform which is so urgently required in Ireland should have to await the adoption of a scheme for England.

In outlining the problems, the supreme necessity is the abolition of the present workhouse system. They recommend classification by institutions of all the present inmates of the workhouses; the sick in the hospital, the aged and infirm in alms-houses; the mentally defective in asylums. They suggest the bringing together into one institution of all the inmates of one class from a number of neighbouring workhouses.

The sick should be sent to existing Poor Law or County hospitals, strengthened by the addition of cottage hospitals in certain districts, while children must be boarded out. The able-bodied paupers, if well conducted, might be placed in labour colonies; if ill conducted, in detention colonies.

If these are established, they must be controlled by the State and not by County authorities. Of course, the resources of the existing Unions are much too limited to undertake such sweeping reforms, and the county must be substituted for the Union as the area of charge.

The establishment of the Public Assistance authority will relieve us from the greatest scandal which now mars the administration of the Poor Law reform in Ireland—the corrupt appointment of officers in the Poor Law medical service. If we cannot have a State medical service, we can at all events ensure that appointments under the Poor Law shall be placed in incorruptible hands.

It is not to be assumed that this short sketch of policy is exhaustive, or that it touches even in outline upon all that the Unionist Party might fairly hope to do in Ireland.

It is designed to show only that financially and politically, every step which can be taken to relieve the poverty and oppression which has too long continued in Ireland must be taken by a Unionist Parliament and a Government pledged to secure the administration of law and order in Ireland. I desire on behalf of the Committee under whose auspices this work has been prepared to thank Mr.

Rosenbaum for the ability and zeal he has shown in editing the book and in preparing it for publication. I wish also to acknowledge my personal debt to Mr. Locker Lampson, M. Murray P. The greater part of the present volume is devoted to showing why this country should not adopt Home Rule; but it is perhaps worth while for the ordinary British citizen to ask himself a preliminary question, namely, why he should be pressed even to consider it.

That the establishment of an Irish Parliament must involve doubtful and far-reaching consequences is denied by no one. If we could erase the past and approach the problem of framing representative institutions in their most practicable shape for the inhabitants of the United Kingdom, who would think it wise to crowd into these small Islands two, or, as some would have it, three, four, or five separate Parliaments, with their separate elections, their separate sets of ministers and Offices, their separate party systems, their divergent policies?

Distances are, under modern conditions, so small, our population is so compact, the interests of its component parts are so intimately fused together, that any device at all resembling Home Rule would seem at the best cumbersome, costly, and ineffective; at the worst, perilous to the rights of minorities, the peace of the country, and the unity of the Kingdom.

If, then, these common-sense considerations are thrust on one side by so many well-meaning persons, it must surely be because they think that for the destruction of our existing system there is to be found a compelling justification in the history of the past:. I am well aware that many of the persons of whom I am thinking profess to base their approval of Home Rule on purely administrative grounds.

The Parliament of the United Kingdom, they say, is overweighted; it has more to do than it can manage; we must diminish its excessive burdens; and we can only do so by throwing them in part upon other and subordinate assemblies. But this, if it be a reason at all, is certainly a most insufficient one.

Would any human being, anxious merely to give relief to the House of Commons, adopt so illogical a scheme as one which involves a provincial Parliament in Ireland, and no provincial Parliaments anywhere else; which puts Ireland under two Parliaments, and left the rest of the country under one; which, if Irishmen are to be admitted to the Imperial Parliament, would give Ireland privileges and powers denied to England and Scotland, and, if they are to be excluded from the Imperial Parliament, would deprive Ireland of rights which surely she ought to possess?

Again, if the "administrative" argument was really more than an ornament of debate, would any one select Ireland as the administrative district in which to make trial of the new system? Would any one, in his desire to relieve the Imperial Parliament of some of its functions, select as an area of self-government a region where one part is divided against another by passions, and, if you will, by prejudices, more violent, and more deeply-rooted than those which afflict any other fraction of the United Kingdom, choose that other fraction where, and how, you will?

I take it, then, as certain that in the mind of the ordinary British Home Ruler the justification for Home Rule is not administrative but historical. He pictures Ireland before the English invasion as an organised and independent State, happy in the possession of a native polity which Englishmen have ruthlessly destroyed, now suffering under laws and institutions forced upon her by the conquerors, suitable it may be to men of Anglo-Saxon descent, but utterly alien to the genius and temper of a Celtic population.

To him, therefore, Home Rule presents itself as an act of National restitution. Personally, I believe this to be a complete misreading of history. It is not denied—at least I do not deny—that both the English and British Governments, in their dealings with Ireland have done many things that were stupid, and some things that were abominable.

But among their follies or their crimes is not to be counted the destruction of any such State as I have described; for no such State existed. They did not uproot one type of civilisation in order to plant another. The Ireland with which England had to deal had not acquired a national organisation, and when controversialists talk of "restoring" this or that institution to Ireland, the only institutions that can possibly be "restored" are in their origin importations from England.

This does not, of course, mean that the English were a superior race dealing with an inferior one. Indeed, there is, in my view, no sharp division of race at all. In the veins of the inhabitants of these Islands runs more than one strain of blood. The English are not simply Teutonic—still less are the Irish Celtic. We must conceive the pre-historic inhabitants both of Britain and of Ireland as subject to repeated waves of invasion from the wandering peoples of the Continent.

The Celt preceded the Teuton; and in certain regions his language still survives. The Teuton followed him in as I suppose far greater numbers, and his language has become that of a large fraction of the civilised world. But in no part of the United Kingdom is the Teutonic strain free from either the Celtic or pre-Celtic strain; nor do I believe that the Celtic strain has anywhere a predominance such as that which, speaking very roughly, the Teutonic strain possesses in the East of these Islands, or the pre-Celtic strain in the West.

There is, therefore, no race frontier to be considered, still less is there any question of inferiority or superiority. The Irish difficulty, historically considered, arises in the main from two circumstances. The first of these, to which I have just referred, is that when England began to intervene in the welter of Irish inter-tribal warfare, she was already an organised State, slowly working its way through feudal monarchy to constitutional freedom.

The second is that while the religious revolution of the sixteenth century profoundly and permanently affected the larger Island, it left the smaller Island untouched.

The result of the first of these has been that Irish institutions, Irish laws, Irish forms of local government, and Irish forms of parliamentary government are necessarily of the English type. The result of the second has been that while no sharp divisions of race exist, divisions of religion have too often taken their place; that in the constitutional struggles of the seventeenth century Ireland was not the partner but the victim of English factions; and that civil war in its most brutal form, with the confiscations and penal laws which followed in its train, have fed, have indeed created, the bitter fiction that Ireland was once a "nation" whose national life has been destroyed by its more powerful neighbour.

To all this it will perhaps be replied that even if the general accuracy of the foregoing statement be admitted and nothing about Ireland ever is admitted , it is quite irrelevant to the question of Home Rule; because what is of importance to practical statesmanship is not what did actually happen in the past, but what those who live in the present suppose to have happened.

If, therefore, to the imagination of contemporary Irishmen, Ireland appears a second Poland, statesmen must act as if the dream were fact. In such a contention there is some element of truth. But it must be observed in the first place that dreams, however vivid, are not eternal; and, in the second place, that while this particular dream endures it supplies a practical argument against Home Rule, the full force of which is commonly under-rated.

For what are the main constitutional dangers of creating rival Parliaments in the same State? They are—friction, collision of jurisdiction, and, in the end, national disintegration. Of these, friction is scarcely to be avoided. I doubt whether it has been wholly avoided in any State where the system, either of co-equal or of subordinate Parliaments, has been thoroughly tried.

It certainly was not avoided in the days past when Ireland had a Parliament of its own. It is incredible that it should be avoided in the future, however elaborate be the safeguards which the draughtsman's ingenuity can devise.

But friction, in any case inevitable, becomes a peril to every community where the rival assemblies can appeal to nationalist sentiment. The sore gets poisoned. What under happier conditions might be no more than a passing storm of rhetoric, forgotten as soon as ended, will gather strength with time. The appetite for self-assertion, inherent in every assembly, and not likely to be absent from one composed of orators so brilliantly gifted as the Irish, will take the menacing form of an international quarrel.

The appeal will no longer be to precedents and statutes, but to patriotism and nationality, and the quarrel of two Parliaments will become the quarrel of two peoples. What will it avail, when that time comes, that in the Irish leaders declared themselves content with a subordinate legislature? It is their earlier speeches of a very different tenour that will be remembered; and it will be asked, with a logic that may well seem irresistible, by what right Irish "nationality" was ever abandoned by Irish representatives.

On these dangers I do not in this brief note propose to dwell, though it seems to me insane either to ignore them or to belittle them. The point on which I desire to insist is that they arise not from the establishment of a subordinate Parliament alone, nor from the existence of a "nationalist" sentiment alone, but from the action and reaction of the sentiment upon the institution, and of the institution upon the sentiment.

Let me conclude by asking whether Irish history does not support to the full these gloomy prognostications. The Parliament that came to an end at the Union was a Parliament utterly antagonistic to anything that now goes by the name of Irish Nationalism. In every sphere, except the economic sphere, it represented the forces, political and religious, which the Irish Nationalist now regards as English and alien, and against which, for many years, he has been waging bitter warfare.

Yet this Parliament, representing only a small minority of the inhabitants of Ireland, found its position of subordination intolerable. It chose a moment of national disaster to assert complete equality, and so used its powers that at last the Union became inevitable.

It is surely no remedy for the ancient wrongs of Ireland—real, alas! When Pitt commended his proposals for the Union to "the dispassionate and sober judgment of the Parliament of Ireland," he argued that such a measure was at once "transcendently important" to the Empire, and "eminently useful" to the true interests of Ireland.

Lord Clare, as an Irishman, naturally reversed the order, but his compelling points were the same:—To Ireland the Union was a "vital interest," which at the same time "intimately affected the strength and prosperity of the British Empire. He is an educated and challenging comic that strives to make people think and laugh about what life has to offer. Selling over , units from his past, he is currently doing dates with the Promise Keepers tour where tens of thousands are getting a chance to laugh with him as well as his own scattered dates across the country.

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MercyMe and BeBe Winans are among many renowned mainstream judges for the competition. Deadline for submission is October 14, The event, which is open to the public, will be held at 7 p. Soul2Soul Honors will air on a future broadcast of the Soul2Soul Radio program, and will be taped for Christian television. I am so honored to have been a part of their history, and hope to see them encouraging others for years to come.

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The Burkums have another son, Soren, who is now two and a half years old. To access Podcast, visit the iTunes Music Store. The DVD will feature live concert footage as well as unique and extensive behind-the-scenes interviews.

It is the follow up to their previous release, Phenomenon. We're very excited about playing it live. TFK will be out to support this record on the road, and for more information log onto www.

For review of The Art Of Breaking , click here. Well kind of I met a beautiful young lady a little over a year ago and, well, took her hand in marriage on May 28th. And that has definitely kept me busy. She is a lovely little lady named Kate. You will have to say hi to her at one of the shows since she will be out on the road with me. On top of getting married, I am writing for record 2. So much pressure with this record.

I am heading into the studio this month to start recording. Please pray for my heart that God will inspire yet another record. Without him my songs are bland. The Insyderz. While Five Iron Frenzy split in , and the Supertones announced their breakup last year for , The Insyderz are the last to announce the forfeit of their brass instruments to the night.

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The band announced late August the following news on their website, "Yellow Second has officially decided to call it quits. This was not an easy decision to come to but we feel it is for the best.

There are obviously many reasons for this decision and I know as a fan of music I always wonder if there is some fantastic story that the band isn't telling. Sorry to say, there is no major drama to report. Nobody went to rehab, nobody stole a bunch of money from us, and yes we all still love each other very much.

Our individual futures are unknown at this time. We have had a blast getting to know many of you over the last couple of years and we cannot thank you enough for your support. We will finish this current tour and then play a farewell show in Denver at some point. We will certainly keep you posted as the details unfold.

If you'd like to get any YS merch before we close up shop, our online store will still be up for a few months. I guess that's the news for now. Please keep us in your thoughts as we all figure out where to go from here. We love you all. Gormley Dead Poetic has announced some more details this week about their upcoming release, "We will be in the studio all of next week, doing more demos for our 3rd release.

In a change of plans, Austin Thomason will now be producing the demos. We are greatly indebted to Austin for his dedication on such short notice. We will be sure to post quite frequently in the Studio Section to keep you updated on the progress in the studio. We will possibly be posting some of these songs online, to give you a taste of what's to come with Dead Poetic. For those of you who asked, we do plan on recording "The Victim" and may post it online.

Keep checking back to watch things develop. After many months of going through all the material, it is in the final stages of being layed out, and will go off to print in the next couple of weeks. This should be available by the end of November in time for the Holiday season, we hope you enjoy In other news, we are currently working on new material for a project called The Bros.

The record should be done by the end of the year, and will be released in the spring on Tooth and Nail records. Moore will act as the concert host and will be a featured vocalist in the Joy to the World Singers. This multicultural event will feature all the artists performing in a thematic presentation, rather than in typical individual artist sets.

Their musical styles and journeys are different, but they share a common charisma that has gained them admiration and respect worldwide. They will be joined by a line-up of artist performers and award presenters that will showcase the best in gospel music, making it not only a night of honors, but an exceedingly entertaining and diverse evening. The book makes it clear to the reader that there is no specific one correct way to wear finger picks among the "masters".

The "masters" have adopted various ways to wear their picks because each "master" has developed their own masterful picking technique wearing their picks the way they want to wear them. They wear them their way for their own specific reasons to get the results they are looking for for example, Pat Cloud wears them straight to develop more leverage and accuracy. Factors that include the position of the player's hand, the size of their hand and fingers and their tone preference will also influence how a player will wear their picks.

Like the song says, "Whatever gets you through the night is alright by me. If everybody's hands were the same size and shape, and they all moved the same way, then there would be One Best Way to bend your picks. But everybody's hands and motions are different, so you just have to find what works best for yourself. I would like to through out a little counter to the concept of "do what ever is right for you.

Please don't think I am trying to make a definitive statement because I am a poor player and if I knew what I was doing I would be better. Yes you can't argue with 'doing what is right" but the trick is really knowing what is right. That is why I really appreciate someone like Dave M. I think maybe before shaping the picks you should have a concept of how you want to attack the string and then work on getting the combination of hand position and pick angle to do that.

When i started I had no idea of this and just put the picks on. Over the years I kept experimenting with both the hand and picks hoping to find what was best but because I did not know and was not trying to get the best attack I was always changing and never satisfied. So depending upon how long you have been playing, what habits you have formed and how hard you want to work on it, hand position and pick angle can be changed.

I like curly fries and curly finger picks. Kenny Ingram must have it pretty as the motion of his hand is almost nil. God what a picker. Ernie Ball speed picks do not put enough metal in contact with the string to produce a good tone.

I think the word "Speed" is a advertising ploy. Speed is not in the picks, its in the fingers and in the mind. Picks that are shaped so they do not contact your fingertip all the way to the tip are will not produce optimum tone. I say "initial" because within a few milliseconds the string is vibrating in sections and at all different angles, like a clothes line when you hit it with a stick Simple physics and common sense. Play one note on any string, picking straight downward towards the head, and listen.

Now pick across the string, more parallel with the surface of the head. You should hear a noticeable difference in tone, the "straight down" pick stroke producing a fuller, bolder sound and probably with more volume. You can do it the easy way or the way that sounds better BTW, a downward motion requires more movement from the first knuckle closest to the hand. An "across" motion is produced by more flex in the second knuckle.

Some astute readers will say "what about the thumb? If so, then disregard this thread. In the 70's there was a trend to thin the bridge to get as cracking, brilliant tone as possible. Thankfully, that passed. Nashville, TN. Good explanation. Exactly right on shaping picks, where to strike the string, and in what direction to strike the string.

This is important information for anyone who wants to improve their attack and release. I could never get the right feel or sound with my picks curled close to the curves of my fingers. After going threw hours of different bends.

This is what I've found that works for me. I do think it's much, much more complex though. I think Jim Pankey might have something to say about them Yes, That's a good way to explain it. As much as is possible anyway I DID say the "initial" string vibration It's irrelevant to this discussion IMO.

Yeah, but who can trust a three finger guy who. The way i play the EB picks sound like crap on ANY banjo, and i'm not about to change a technique i spent 35 years cultivating to accomodate a fingerpick. I sell all the high dollar fancy-shmancy fingerpicks, but i still use the one dollar Dunlops i started with. Earl, Sonny, and hundreds of other pros sound OK with basic Nationals.

That's close enough. Thats exactly what mine look like. The main thing is the fingertip and pick form a small "point" and you can fit your fingers between the strings when picking downward without touching the adjacent string, AND the picks do not "give" or move on your finger when you pluck the string.

An important aspect of tone not yet mentioned is economy of motion You can always tell a beginner by looking at hi right hand Hard to ever gain much speed when you play like that too. Jack are talking about "layed Back" players here.

Thanks for clarifying the finger motion. Say you play a constant roll. I do know one thing. Jesus Freak Hideout. July 23, Retrieved November 3, September 1, Archived from the original on September 23, Retrieved September 13, June 24, New Release Tuesday. July 1, Retrieved November 19, Retrieved February 4, Interviewed by Trav Turner and Stephen Sarro. As The Story Grows. Prometheus Global Media.

Retrieved February 17, Retrieved March 8, Retrieved February 18, Retrieved August 30, November 18, May 28, Greene, Jo-Ann. Retrieved March 6, But P86's old fans need not despair, there's hard rock and metalcore a-plenty Allmusic staff Retrieved September 25, Christianity Today.

Retrieved October 22, And the Rest Will Follow review". Retrieved October 23, CCM Magazine. Salem Publishing. Retrieved September 24, HM Magazine. Nielsen Company. Bryan Carlstrom official website.

The hair might be a lot shorter now, but the attitude and the energy is every bit as good as the release. Sonically speaking, Version is miles ahead of the original. The clarity is much clearer, the vocals are more powerful, and the sound of the instruments is so crisp and clear compared with the sometimes muddy debut.

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