I guess I'll keep my eyes on the upcoming MoFi's for sure. I forgot to mention I have Europe '72 on vinyl and it sounds great! Location: Lafayette, Co. Go w Green label Warner pressings for all material through 72, try for w7 green labels for everything up through Live Dead Im not a reissue guy, but Ive never heard of the above mentioned copies being bested.
Cassius , Aug 3, American Beauty is one of the most satisfying vinyl listens I can think of. Look for the olive green label. Audio Fidelity are also releasing some GD on vinyl.
But I am not sure if they have any Live versions in the pipeline. Just bought "Blues For Allah" on G limited numbered vinyl Steel Horse , Aug 3, Location: in the heart of Germany. These GD albums sounded really good when they came out on Warner Bros. Baron Von Talbot , Aug 3, Location: Severna Park, MD.
Location: St. Louis , MO. Location: Music City, Tenor C. What are some other recent offerings on vinyl that I should consider? I'm not partial to any particular era. I don't need everything that gets put out, but I'd like to try to pick up any particularly high quality Dead vinyl issues before they go OOP.
By "high quality" I refer mainly to the performance, but I do appreciate good sound as well. Thank you in advance, GD experts! Location: Barcelona Spain. Clucking , Faceman , ODShowtime and 1 other person like this. I would start with the g Analogue Productions pressing of Reckoning! Not only the best sounding dead vinyl IMO but one of my best sounding vinyl period.
ODShowtime , fluffskul , mkane and 3 others like this. Location: Midwest. Christopher B , Clucking , OneOccupation and 2 others like this. The show is on vinyl, it is available at dead. Thanks for the replies folks. I've been lucky enough to find very nice original pressings of their studio stuff, including nice olive labels of Workingman's and Beauty. The remainder of this paper is divided into two sections. In the first, we discuss the accounts which the rapists used to justify their behavior.
In the second, we discuss those accounts which attempted to excuse the rape. By and large, the deniers used justifications while the admitters used excuses. In some case, both groups relied on the same themes, stereotypes, and images: some admitters, like most deniers, claimed that women enjoyed being raped. Some deniers excused their behavior by referring to alcohol or drug use, although they did so quite differently than admitters.
From September through September , we interviewed male convicted rapists who were incarcerated in seven maximum or medium security prisons in the Commonwealth of Virginia. Men convicted of incest, statutory rape, or sodomy of a male were omitted from the sample. Twelve percent of the rapists had been convicted of more than one rape or attempted rape, 39 percent also had convictions for burglary or robbery , 29 percent for abduction , 25 percent for sodomy , and 11 percent for first or second degree murder.
Eighty-two percent had a previous criminal history but only 23 percent had records for previous sex offenses. Their sentences for rape and accompanying crimes ranged from 10 years to an accumulation by one man of seven life sentences plus years; 43 percent of the rapists were serving from 10 to 30 years and 22 percent were serving at least one life term.
Forty-six percent of the rapists were white and 54 percent were black. Their ages ranged from 18 to 60 years; 88 percent were between 18 and 35 years. Forty-two percent were either married or cohabiting at the time of their offense. Only 20 percent had a high school education or better, and 85 percent came from working-class backgrounds. Despite the popular belief that rape is due to a personality disorder, only 26 percent of these rapists had any history of emotional problems.
When the rapists in this study were compared to a statistical profile of felons in all Virginia prisons, prepared by the Virginia Department of Corrections, rapists who volunteered for this research were disproportionately white, somewhat better educated, and younger than the average inmate.
All participants in this study were volunteers. Using one follow-up letter, approximately 25 percent of all inmates, including rapists, indicated their willingness to be interviewed by mailing an information sheet to us at the university. From this pool of volunteers, we constructed a sample of rapists based on age, education, race, severity of current offenses, and previous criminal records. Obviously, the sample was not random and thus may not be representative of all rapists.
Each of the authors - one woman and one man - interviewed half of the rapists. Both authors were able to establish rapport and obtain information. However, the rapists volunteered more about their feelings and emotions to the female author and her interviews lasted longer. All rapists were given an page interview, which included a general background, psychological, criminal, and sexual history, attitude scales, and 30 pages of open-ended questions intended to explore their perceptions of their crimes, their victims, and their selves.
Because a voice print is an absolute source of identification, we did not use tape recorders. All interviews were hand recorded.
With some practice, we found it was possible to record much of the interview verbatim. While hand recording inevitably resulted in some lost data, it did have the advantage of eliciting more confidence and candor in the men.
Interviews with the rapists lasted from three hours to seven hours; the average was about four and-one-half hours. Most of the rapists were reluctant to end the interview.
Once rapport had been established, the men wanted to talk, even though it sometimes meant, for example, missing a meal. The time between pre-sentence reports and our interviews in effect, the amount of time rapists had spent in prison before we interviewed them ranged from less than one year to 20 years; the average was three years.
Yet despite this time lapse, there were no significant changes in the way rapists explained their crimes, with the exception of 18 men who had denied their crimes at their trials but admitted them to us. There were no cases of men who admitted their crime at their trial but denied them when talking to us. Admitters including deniers turned admitters told us essentially the same story as the police and victim versions.
However, the admitters subtly understated the force they had used and, though they used words such as violent to describe their acts, they also omitted reference to the more brutal aspects of their crime.
According to the presentence reports, 11 of the 32 deniers had been acquainted with their victim. But an additional four deniers told us they had been acquainted with their victims.
In the pre-sentence reports, police or victim versions of the crime described seven rapes in which the victim had been hitchhiking or was picked up in a bar; but deniers told us this was true of 20 victims. Weapons were present in 21 of the 32 rapes according to the pre-sentence reports, yet only nine men acknowledged the presence of a weapon and only two of the nine admitted they had used it to threaten or intimidate their victim.
Finally, in at least seven of the rapes, the victim had been seriously injured, but only three men admitted injury.
In two of the three cases, the victim had been murdered; in these cases the men denied the rape but not the murder. Indeed, deniers constructed accounts for us which, by implicating the victim, made their own conduct appear to have been more appropriate. They never used words such as violent, choosing instead to emphasize the sexual component of their behavior.
It should be noted that we investigated the possibility that deniers claimed their behavior was not criminal because, in contrast to admitters, their crimes resembled what research has found the public defines as a controversial rape, that is, victim an acquaintance, no injury or weapon, victim picked up hitchhiking or in a bar Burt, ; Burt and Albin, ; Williams, However, as Table I indicates, the crimes committed by deniers were only slightly more likely to involve these elements.
This contrast between pre-sentence reports and interviews suggests several significant factors related to interview content validity. First, when asked to explain their behavior, our sample of convicted rapists except deniers turned admitters responded with accounts that had changed surprisingly little since their trials.
Deniers attempted to justify their behavior by presenting the victim in a light that made her appear culpable, regardless of their own actions. Men who rape need not search far for cultural language which supports the premise that women provoke or are responsible for rape.
In addition to common cultural stereotypes, the fields of psychiatry and criminology particularly the subfield of victimology have traditionally provided justifications for rape, often by portraying raped women as the victims of their own seduction Albin, ; Marolla and Scully, For example, Hollander argues:.
Considering the amount of illicit intercourse, rape of women is very rare indeed. Flirtation and provocative conduct, i. The fact that violence and, often, a weapon are used to accomplish the rape is not considered. As an example, Abrahamsen writes:. The conscious or unconscious biological or psychological attraction between man and woman does not exist only on the part of the offender toward the woman but, also, on her part toward him, which in many instances may, to some extent, be the impetus for his sexual attack.
Often a woman unconsciously wishes to be taken by force consider the theft of the bride in Peer Gynt. Like Peer Gynt, the deniers we interviewed tried to demonstrate that their victims were willing and, in some cases, enthusiastic participants. Not only willing, she was the aggressor, a seductress who lured them, unsuspecting, into sexual action.
Typical was a denier convicted of his first rape and accompanying crimes of burglary, sodomy, and abduction. Telling him that she cheated on her husband, she had voluntarily removed her clothes and seduced him. He claimed they had spent hours in bed, after which the victim had told him he was good-looking and asked to see him again.
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Aereo, Inc. Varsity Brands Fourth Estate v.Aug 04, · I like the late 60's "primal" era, so I'm going to say: Aoxomoxoa W7 press only, Anthem Of The Sun, and Grateful Dead a/k/a Skull & Roses. Phil Lesh remixed Anthem in the mid's, the remix has WB "Burbank" labels and came in a white cover, Lesh .